Marikana

A union leader who refuses to leave Casspir, an armored truck the South African police to go talk to striking miners settled in front of a hill: the scene was Wednesday, August 15, the eve of the massacre Marikana mine, which killed 34. It spoke volumes about the weakening of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), which was spearheading the fight against the labor laws imposed by the former apartheid regime. And the relationship troubles, not to say incestuous union between the government and the employers.

As in the rest of the country, the capital of the NUM - more than 300,000 members - is being seriously undermined in the belt of platinum in South Africa, west of Pretoria. In the mines of the English company Lonmin, the union won more than 50% of employees, while a newcomer to the origin of the strike, the Association of Miners and construction (AMCU), has now surpassed the 30% membership.

The NUM main support of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), a powerful trade union federation and strategic ally of the African National Congress (ANC), the ruling party, is accused of having abandoned its most vulnerable agreeing to sign agreements on minimum wage increase, fueling suspicions growing proximity with employers.

The gap between its representatives, more often middle managers, and represented, who spend more than eight hours underground to near 40 ° C, also significantly expanded. They want to show in the salary increase of 40% (EUR 140 000 per year) that was granted in 2011, Frans Baleni, the general secretary of the NUM.

Enjoying a fertile fueled by a sense of abandonment, AMCU has progressed. His opponent accused of soliciting members by intimidating them by violence and by promising unrealistic wage increases leading to illegal strikes after potentially explosive. A Marikana, the strikers demanded 1250 euros per month, almost three times their current salary.

Earlier this year, another strike in a platinum mine adjacent lasted six weeks. Violence had left three dead but strong wage increases had been granted by the employer, Implats. With the emergence of this fierce and disturbing decline in pension contributions in a landscape saturated union, the NUM leaders have not yet responded little, paralyzed by a web of conflicting interests. Thanks to the alliance with the ANC, some of its executives promoted within Cosatu, have gone on to positions in administration or government.

Increase the risk of strikes embarrass the ruling party interested in maintaining a favorable investment climate in the country is not so simple. At the same time, the ANC is concerned, because it usually has the ability to mobilize its ally in the national elections.

To strengthen its support union after apartheid, Nelson Mandela training had created a collective bargaining system that offered an exclusive relationship with the employer union representing more than 50% of employees. This security risk now turn against its instigators.

For the ANC, the establishment over the last ten years of affirmative action program (BEE) within companies also weakens its ability to negotiate with mining companies who have opened their capital to shareholders black.

Ironically, Cyril Ramaphosa, former general secretary of the NUM leader of a massive and deadly strike (11 deaths) in the mines in the 1980s for higher wages, now part of the Board of Directors Lonmin. This figure of the ANC is not the only one having interests in both parties. His company announced it would pay 200,000 euros for the burial of miners killed in Marikana.

South Africa has built over a century its economic power mainly on its mineral wealth (gold, diamonds, copper, platinum), its successive governments have always maintained close relationships with extractive companies. The opacity of campaign finance in South Africa regularly fear of conflicts of interest.

Rejecting any form of nationalization of mines, President Jacob Zuma, seeking re-election at the ANC congress in December for a second term in the national elections of 2014, however, recognizes that mining companies will eventually pay more taxes.

Is that it will be enough to calm the impatience of minors Marikana, all tragic heroes left behind reflect the new democratic South Africa and so unequal? How many other Marikana are they expected in the coming months?

Recovery policy by killing the former president of the Youth League of the ANC, Julius Malema, expelled earlier this year for indiscipline, demonstrates the willingness of a fringe party to dramatically accelerate the redistribution wealth that has been left fallow in the agreement signed by Nelson Mandela with whites at the end of apartheid.

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